A land of intriguing mix, Varanasi also known as Benares or Kashi is colorful, chaotic and full of surprises. The ancient holy city is more than just its religious significance. Varanasi is one of the oldest inhabited cities in the world located along the banks of the holy river Ganges, said to be founded by Hindu Lord Shiva and dates back to 5000 years. Varanasi has a rich history of arts and crafts. The famous silk weaving, jewelry making and musical instruments are some of its artistic assets.
Your driver will pick you up from your hotel and take you to Uluwatu to begin your cultural journey. Uluwatu is a temple of the Hindu culture in Bali with an amazing and spectacular sunset on the cliffs of the peninsula beach in Bali. You will get to experience a one hour dance performance, called the Kecak fire dance. The dance is a unique performance without any instruments and just voices of the dancer. Jimbaran fresh seafood dinner will await you on the beach. After dinner, you will be transported back to your hotel around 9pm.Go on this private half-day cultural tour of the Uluwatu Temple with a balinese local hospitality guide service . Hotel pickup and drop-off is included.
This five-day tour is a spiritual journey full of variety and fun. You will spend two days in Varanasi - a 5,000-year-old city that is most sacred to the Hindus. In Varanasi, take an excursion to Sarnath where Lord Buddha gave his first sermon, experience the beautiful Hindu religious ritual of worship "aarti" performed on the ghats of River Ganga. We will also go to Chitrakoot for the Gupt Godavari Caves and Chitrakoot Falls and to Khajuraho for a jeep safari in the Panna Tiger Reserve. In Khajuraho, you will not only get mesmerized by the light and sound show at the Somnath Mahadev Temple and classical dance Kathak sitar and tabla instruments at Academy of Indian Classical Music, but also meet the former royal family of Ajaigarh for a BBQ dinner.
Your driver will pick you up from your hotel and take you to Uluwatu to begin your cultural journey. Uluwatu is a temple of the Hindu culture in Bali with an amazing and spectacular sunset on the cliffs of the peninsula beach in Bali. You will get to experience a one hour dance performance,called the Kecak fire dance. The dance is a unique performance without any instruments and just voices of the dancer and this performance ticket IDR.100k per person,entrance fee is IDR 50K per person and are not included in this tour. Jimbaran fresh seafood dinner will await you on the beach. Dinner is your own expenses. After dinner, you will be transported back to your hotel around 9pm.Go on this private half-day cultural tour of the Uluwatu Temple with a balinese local hospitality guide service . Hotel pickup and drop-off is included.
Carnatic music (Sanskrit: Karn aka sa g ta ) is a system of music commonly associated with the southern part of the Indian subcontinent, with its area roughly confined to four modern states of India: Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. It is one of two main sub-genres of Indian classical music that evolved from ancient Hindu traditions, the other sub-genre being Hindustani music, which emerged as a distinct form due to Persian and Islamic influences in North India. In contrast to Hindustani music, the main emphasis in Carnatic music is on vocal music, most compositions are written to be sung, and even when played on instruments, they are meant to be performed in g yaki (singing) style. Although there are stylistic differences, the basic elements of ruti (the relative musical pitch), swara (the musical sound of a single note), r ga (the mode or melodic formulæ), and tala (the rhythmic cycles) form the foundation of improvisation and composition in both Carnatic and Hindustani music. Although improvisation plays an important role, Carnatic music is mainly sung through compositions, especially the kriti (or kirtanam), a form developed between the 16th and 20th centuries by prominent composers, such as Purandara Dasa and the Trinity of Carnatic music.
How right-wing political entrepreneurs around the world use religious offense both given and taken to mobilize supporters and marginalize opponents.In the United States, elements of the religious right fuel fears of an existential Islamic threat, spreading anti-Muslim rhetoric into mainstream politics. In Indonesia, Muslim absolutists urge suppression of churches and minority sects, fostering a climate of rising intolerance. In India, Narendra Modi's radical supporters instigate communal riots and academic censorship in pursuit of their Hindu nationalist vision. Outbreaks of religious intolerance are usually assumed to be visceral and spontaneous. But in Hate Spin, Cherian George shows that they often involve sophisticated campaigns manufactured by political opportunists to mobilize supporters and marginalize opponents. Right-wing networks orchestrate the giving of offense and the taking of offense as instruments of identity politics, exploiting democratic space to promote agendas that undermine democratic values. George calls this strategy hate spin a double-sided technique that combines hate speech (incitement through vilification) with manufactured offense-taking (the performing of righteous indignation). It is deployed in societies as diverse as Buddhist Myanmar and Orthodox Christian Russia. George looks at the world's three largest democracies, where intolerant groups within India's Hindu right, America's Christian right, and Indonesia's Muslim right are all accomplished users of hate spin. He also shows how the Internet and Google have opened up new opportunities for cross-border hate spin.George argues that governments must protect vulnerable communities by prohibiting calls to action that lead directly to discrimination and violence. But laws that try to protect believers' feelings against all provocative expression invariably backfire. They arm hate spin agents' offense-taking campaigns with legal ammunition. Anti-discrimination laws and a commitment to religious equality will protect communities more meaningfully than misguided attempts to insulate them from insult.
Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: International Organisations, grade: 1,0, Arizona State University (School Of Politics And Global Studies), course: International Relations of Asia, language: English, abstract: In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had its 40th anniversary and ratified in the same year its first annual charter which adjusted the organization's principles towards a more rule-based regional community (i.e. in the fields of political/security, economy and social-culture) with increased institutional instruments such as dispute settlements and international law discretionary (see below). Coincidently in the same year, one of the newest members of ASEAN, Myanmar, caused world-wide attention with its brutal crack down of a peaceful monk-led demonstration against the ruling military junta. While these two events happen to happen coincidently, it indicates the huge contradiction and paradoxical circumstances within ASEAN. Especially, since it was not the first time that Myanmar was the reason for internal disputes and anger over the behaviour of one of the organizations members. Moreover, the organisation embarrassed itself due to its inability to deal properly with the problem (see Haacke 2008 and McCarthy 2008). While many authors believe that ASEAN lacks institutional instruments to handle misbehaviour and international law violation by a member state (see Haacke 2003, Tay 1997 or Simon 2008), other author's see the member state's perception and own commitment to the organisation as lacking and thus unable to unify in order to establish a common consensus on the issue (see Haacke 2008, McCarthy 2008 or Wah 2007). While the underlying reason for an ASEAN analysis as a potential regional intergovernmental organization is manifested in the fact that ASEAN comprise a variety of regime types (from democracies to autocratic regimes) and cultures (Muslim, Protestant, Hindu) which dedicated themselves to a set of norms and rules (highly condensed compare to the UN), the problem of the organisation's range and institutional accoutrement remains a riddle for scholars. How can we analyse ASEAN from a theoretical perspective? Which IR theory offers the most conceiving arguments for the organisation's evolution and institutional setting? How does the Burma case challenge these institutional and norm settings within ASEAN? Is the organisation doomed to fail or can the Burma case expose positive assumptions about ASEAN's future? In the end, what can we theoretically conclude about ASEAN as an intergovernmental organisation? What can we predict for the ASEAN internal reforms which have been initiated?