In this hour, Russell Razzaque is a London psychologist who has first hand experience of terrorist recruitment methods. As a young medical student, he joined an Islamic student group but left when it turned militant. Today, he advises the British government on how to keep young British Muslims away from terrorists. Next, Islamic jihadists aren't the only religious terrorists. Across the religious spectrum -- Christian, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu -- militant groups espouse sacred terror. James Jones is an authority on militant religious movements and says they have more in common with other than with their own faiths. Then, in the wake of 9/11, Americans were warned to brace themselves for an onslaught of terrorist violence. It hasn't happened. Sociologist Charles Kurzman says many of our fears are unfounded: not only are terrorist groups marginal in the Muslim world, the real bulwark against Islamist violence is Muslims themselves. After that, if someone wants to kill you, should you talk to them? Anthropologist Scott Atran has spent a decade talking with jailed suicide bombers and jihadist leaders. He says they're motivated by core human values: brotherhood, loyalty and the dream of a better world. And finally, Pakistani psychologist Feriha Peracha directs an experimental school designed to de-radicalize Taliban boy soldiers. She says many of her young students were forcibly recruited to the Taliban and trained to wear suicide vests. Now, they're ready to go home again. [Broadcast Date: September 14, 2011] 1. Language: English. Audio sample: http://samples.audible.de/rt/tbon/110914/rt_tbon_110914_sample.mp3. Digital audiobook in aax.
High Quality Content by WIKIPEDIA articles! Neo-fascism and religion refers to debates about the relationships between neo-fascism and various religions. Some scholars, using the term neo-fascism in its narrow sense, consider certain contemporary religious movements and groups to represent forms of clerical or theocratic neofascism, including Christian Identity in the United States, some militant forms of politicized Islamic fundamentalism, Hindu nationalism in India, State Shinto as a political cult in Imperial Japan and some neopagan alternative religions advocating white supremacism.
High Quality Content by WIKIPEDIA articles! The Militant Socialist Movement/Mauritian Militant Movement (MSM/MMM) was a coalition party that formed the government of the Republic of Mauritius from September 2000 to July 2005.The coalition was known as the "Medpoint Deal" and was formed by former Prime Minister and actual President Sir Anerood Jugnauth on the 14th August 2000.It was the most famous political alliance that Mauritian Politics ever had. It was the first time that the country was experience a social change, Paul Berenger would become Prime Minister out of this deal and would be the first-non Hindu to hold such powerful post.
High Quality Content by WIKIPEDIA articles! Saffronization or saffronisation is a political neologism (after the saffron robes of the Hindu clerics), used to refer to the policy of right-wing Hindu nationalism (or Hindutva) which seeks to make the Indian state into a "Hindu nation" with its Muslim and Christian religious minorities reduced to a status of second-class citizens, and its Sikh, Buddhist and Jain minorities incorporated into Hinduism. A related term, the Saffron Brigade, is used as a descriptor of people and organizations in India that promote Hindu nationalism such as the Sangh Parivar by their critics, who allege a "militant Hindu Fundamentalist agenda" and use the word "fascist" as an epithet to describe them.
This book is an attempt to propose new directions for Christian theology in India in the present context of globalization and militant Hindu nationalism. In recent years, Christians have been the target of violent attacks by militant Hindu nationalists. Critically analyzing the history of Christianity and militant Hindu nationalism in India, this book contends that militant Hindu nationalism originated in the context of Western colonialism, which brought about a crisis of religious, cultural, and national identity among Hindus. Moreover, contemporary globalization is perceived as recreating colonization-like situations, only now at a staggering speed and on a global level.The contemporary attacks on Christians by militant Hindu nationalists must be understood within the dynamics of globalization. The Church in India needs to respond to this crisis. The author proposes that through a renewed theological initiative based on the three traditional areas of focus of Indian theology inculturation, interreligious dialogue, and social justice - the Church can become genuinely Indian and address the crisis arising from globalization and militant Hindu nationalism.
CAN THE HINDUS IN INDIA BE REACHED THROUGH DIASPORA HINDUS? The Hindu Diaspora, numbering about 50 million, is scattered from Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Hong Kong and Fiji in the east to Guyana, Surinam, the United States and Canada in the west. Hindus numbering about 850 million live in India. However, militant organizations make mission work impossible there and one way to reach them is through their clan and caste fellows in the Diaspora. In Christ and the Hindu Diaspora, author Paul Pathickal discusses the process of Hindu migration, the salient features of Diaspora Hinduism and ways to witness to Diaspora Hindus. By reaching Diaspora Hindus, the author believes their caste and clan fellows in India can be reached for Christ. Diaspora Hinduism is different from Hinduism in India. The old pantheistic thought cannot survive in the new lands. The new generation of young educated Hindus cannot accept the Karma doctrine and caste divisions. Secular humanism cannot fulfill the age old yearning of the Hindu for truth and value. Only the religion established by Jesus Christ, the true avatar, who came down from heaven not to annihilate a few wicked men, but to save mankind from their sins, will be able to satisfy the inner yearning of the Hindu for truth and meaning in life.
Jamaat-e-Islami Hind is the most influential Islamist organization in India today. Founded in 1941 by Syed Abul Ala Maududi with the aim of spreading Islamic values in the subcontinent, Jamaat and its young offshoot, the Student Islamic Movement of India or SIMI, have been watched closely by Indian security services since September 11. In particular, SIMI has been accused of being behind terrorist bombings. This book is the first in-depth examination of India's Jamaat-e-Islami and SIMI, exploring political Islam's complex relationship with democracy and providing a rare window into the Islamist trajectory in a Muslim-minority context. Irfan Ahmad conducted extensive ethnographic fieldwork at a school in the town of Aligarh, among student activists at Aligarh Muslim University, at a madrasa in Azamgarh, and during Jamaat's participation in elections in 2002. He deftly traces Jamaat's changing position in relation to India's secular democracy and the group's gradual ideological shift toward religious pluralism and tolerance. Ahmad demonstrates how the rise of militant Hindu nationalism since the 1980s--evident in the destruction of the Babri mosque and widespread violence against Muslims--led to SIMI's radicalization, its rejection of pluralism, and its call for jihad. Islamism and Democracy in India argues that when secular democracy is responsive to the traditions and aspirations of its Muslim citizens, Muslims in turn embrace pluralism and democracy. But when democracy becomes majoritarian and exclusionary, Muslims turn radical.
The upsurge of militant Hindu nationalism in the recent past has brought to the fore questions of who a Hindu is, what Hinduism is and what Hindutva and Hinduism mean to Hindus. If Hindutva is a way of life, who are its followers? And for those who are, how necessary is it that its practice should prevail upon all others? These are questions of great relevance in today's India. This revised edition of Hindutva, which includes a new essay and introduction, goes beyond the existing inquiry into Hindu identity, nationalism and culture, through the writings of thinkers Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Swami Vivekananda and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. With characteristic academic rigour and research, Jyotirmaya Sharma offers us original insights into the intellectual traditions that have nourished political Hindutva. The book calls for revisiting those traditions in which Hinduism is seen as being more inclusive and self-critical, at times even of its own fundamental premises.